miércoles, 25 de noviembre de 2015

Syrian Students Contend With Growing Anti-Refugee Rhetoric

NOVEMBER 18, 2015

Hassan Taki Eddin has a message for Gov. Mike Pence of Indiana: Come to the University of Evansville’s annual International Bazaar this Friday and meet some actual Syrians.
Mr. Pence, a Republican, is one of more than two dozen governors who have said they would seek to block the resettlement of Syrian refugees in their states. The governors have cited public-safety concerns after one of the terrorists in last week’s attacks in Paris was found carrying a Syrian passport.
Although experts say the governors are likely to lack the legal authority to enforce a ban, for Mr. Eddin, a 23-year-old accounting-and-finance major from Damascus, Governor Pence’s stance felt like a sucker punch. Along with his parents and 12-year-old brother, he is seeking asylum in the United States.
"It makes no sense. Those Syrians are the ones running away from terrorism," he says of the refugees.
Although Evansville, a liberal-arts college in the southwestern corner of the state, has welcomed him, the political rhetoric, Mr. Eddin says, "makes me feel like more of an outsider."
Nearly 800 Syrians attended American colleges in the 2014-15 academic year, according to the Institute of International Education, which has helped organize more than 50 institutions to open their doors and offer scholarship assistance to Syrian students and to help relocate scholars. Higher education, says Allan E. Goodman, the institute’s president, can be a "refuge."
The students come to the United States on student visas, not as refugees, Mr. Goodman notes. (Therefore, they wouldn’t be affected by any ban on asylum seekers.) Still, students say, it’s difficult not to be wounded by the recent anti-refugee statements.

Messages of Support

Mouhammad Rami Alshareef, who goes by Rami, will graduate at the end of the semester from Monmouth College, in rural Illinois. Syrians like him have left their home country, he says, "because they are afraid, not because they want to go outside and do trouble."
All foreign students are permitted to work in the United States for at least one year after graduation, and Mr. Alshareef has landed a position at a software firm where he interned this past summer. After that, he’s not sure.
"Syria is my home," he says, "but Monmouth is like my second home."
'For Monmouth students,' says an associate dean of the Illinois college, 'the conflict in Syria doesn't just have one face. It has 20.'
After Illinois’s governor, Bruce V. Rauner, joined the chorus of governors saying they would halt refugee resettlement, one of Mr. Alshareef’s professors pulled him aside after class on Tuesday to ask him if he was OK.
Monmouth students, American and Syrian alike, have also spoken up or posted supportive messages on Facebook, says Brenda Tooley, associate dean for academic affairs. The college’s 20 Syrian students arewell known on the campus; like Mr. Alshareef, who is a resident adviser, many have taken leadership roles. "For Monmouth students," Ms. Tooley says, "the conflict in Syria doesn’t just have one face. It has 20."
At Eastern Michigan University, the chapter of Students Organize for Syria plans to send a letter to the state’s governor, Rick Snyder, who has done an about-face after previously welcoming refugees to the state. The group also will set up a table in the central campus this week to talk to passing students about the plight of Syrian refugees, says the chapter’s president, Ahnas Alzahabi.
This isn’t the club’s first educational effort. Earlier this year, members held a "Freeze-a-thon" during which students traded in their coats for a day and pledged to wear T-shirts with the slogan "I freeze for Syria" and a list of Syrian refugee camps. "In Michigan. In the winter," Mr. Alzahabi notes.
Mr. Alzahabi, a senior, was born in Michigan, but he attended high school in Syria and still has family there. He says he understands why people might worry about the threat of terrorism, but to broadly blame all Syrian refugees is stereotyping. "It’s like saying any Mexican who comes to the U.S. is part of a drug cartel," he says. "It’s just wrong."
Even as the political commentary has heated up, administrators at Evansville have been reaching out. On Friday, just as the terror in Paris was unfolding, both Kate Hogan, director of cultural engagement and international services, and the university’s head of counseling were meeting with a group of Syrian students. Evansville now has 24 students from Syria, and Ms. Hogan thought that, coming from a region in turmoil, they might need special services or support. In fact, Ms. Hogan says, one thing the students requested was more opportunities to speak out about the Syrian conflict.
Mr. Eddin, who is president of the campus’s international-students club, says one opportunity to do that will be at the International Bazaar, where students from around the world put on performances and prepare foods from their home countries. And he hopes Governor Pence will be there to listen. The governor might feel differently, he says, if he "would just see the people who are here."
Karin Fischer writes about international education, colleges and the economy, and other issues. She’s on Twitter @karinfischer, and her email address iskarin.fischer@chronicle.com.

sábado, 21 de noviembre de 2015

Inca child mummy reveals lost genetic history of South America

The Aconcagua Boy was found frozen and naturally mummified 500 years after he was sacrificed during an Incan ritual called capacocha.
The Aconcagua Boy was found frozen and naturally mummified 500 years after he was sacrificed during an Incan ritual called capacocha.

Lizzie isScience's Latin America correspondent, based in Mexico City.

Back in 1985, hikers climbing Argentina’s Aconcagua mountain stumbled upon a ghastly surprise: the frozen corpse of a 7-year-old boy. It was apparent that he’d been there for a long time, so the hikers notified archaeologists, who carefully excavated the body. They determined that the Aconcagua boy, as he came to be known, was sacrificed as part of an Incan ritual 500 years ago and had been naturally mummified by the mountain’s cold, dry environment. Now, a new analysis of the Aconcagua boy’s mitochondrial DNA reveals that he belonged to a population of native South Americans that all but disappeared after the Spanish conquest of the New World.
The Aconcagua boy died as part of an Incan ritual of child sacrifice called capacocha. Children and adolescents were taken to the tops of high peaks and left to die of exposure or killed outright; the Aconcagua boy was likely executed with a blow to the head. Several capacocha mummies have been found on mountains scattered throughout Inca territory, but the Aconcagua boy is “one of the best preserved,” says Antonio Salas, a human geneticist at the University of Santiago de Compostela in Spain and an author of the new study. The boy died 5300 meters above sea level in “one of the driest climates that exist,” Salas says. That gave him hope that the mummy might still contain traces of DNA.
It did. Salas and his team extracted the mummy’s complete mitochondrial genome—comprising 37 genes passed down solely from the mother—from one of its lungs. Sampling an internal organ was a good choice for minimizing the risk of contamination, says Bastien Llamas, a geneticist at the University of Adelaide in Australia who studies ancient South American populations. In the years since the mummy was found, “you assume … no one has touched the lung with their own hands, so there is no contamination from the people who have been working on it,” says Llamas, who was not involved in the study. But to make sure his research team wasn’t contaminating the find with its DNA, Salas genotyped every last one of them.
When Salas sequenced the Aconcagua boy’s mitochondrial DNA, it quickly became clear his defenses had worked. The mummy had a genome unlike any Salas had ever seen. The boy’s pattern of genetic variations placed him in a population called C1b, a common lineage in Mesoamerica and the Andes that dates all the way back to the earliest Paleoindian settlements, more than 18,000 years ago. But C1b in itself is very diverse—as its members spread throughout Central and South America, smaller groups became isolated from one another and started developing their own particular genetic variations. As a result, C1b contains many genetically distinct subgroups. The Aconcagua boy’s genome didn’t fit into any of them. Instead, he belonged to a population of native South Americans that had never been identified. Salas and his team dubbed this genetic group C1bi, which they say likely arose in the Andes about 14,000 years ago. They detail their findings today in Scientific Reports.
When Salas combed through genetic databases, ancient and modern, he found just four more individuals who appear to belong to C1bi. Three are present-day people from Peru and Bolivia, whereas another sample comes from an individual from the ancient Wari Empire, which flourished from 600 to 1000 C.E. and predated the Inca in Peru. Clearly, C1bis extremely rare today, but the fact that it has now popped up in two ancient DNA samples suggests that it could have been more common in the past, says Andrés Moreno-Estrada, a population geneticist who studies the Americas at Mexico’s National Laboratory of Genomics for Biodiversity in Irapuato and was not involved in the current work. If you sample just one or two individuals, “what are the chances that you pick the rare guy?” he says. “Most likely, you’re picking the common guy.”
Llamas is not surprised that a potentially common pre-Columbian genetic group all but disappeared after the Spanish arrived. “Up to 90% of native South Americans died very quickly” after the conquest, mostly from epidemic disease, he says. “You can imagine that a lot of genetic diversity was lost as well.” Especially in the Americas, where such an extreme demographic collapse was followed by centuries of mixing by European, Amerindian, and African groups, the genes of living people “aren’t always a faithful representation of what happened in the past,” Salas says. The Aconcagua boy’s genome, on the other hand, is “a window to 500 years ago.”
It’s as if “the Inca put genetic samples in deep freeze for us,” agrees Andrew Wilson, an archaeologist at the University of Bradford in the United Kingdom who studies capacochamummies and was not involved in the current work. Salas doesn’t intend to waste the opportunity. He is already working on the complete nuclear genome of the Aconcagua boy—which would be even more informative about his family tree and his own unique genetic makeup. He also hopes to sequence the DNA of all the microbes preserved in the mummy’s gut, including his microbiome and any infectious germs he might have been carrying. That could help scientists understand how microorganisms—both the ones that hurt us and the ones that help us—have evolved over time. Wilson hopes similar studies can be done on other capacocha mummies. “They are certainly remarkable messengers from the past.” 

jueves, 19 de noviembre de 2015

Entierran cerca de El Bolsón a una mujer mapuche capturada en la Conquista del Desierto

El funeral que llegó 130 años después

Margarita Foyel fue secuestrada en 1884 y llevada prisionera al museo platense. Murió en 1887 y terminó exhibida en una vitrina. Ahora será inhumada en su comunidad de origen.

Habrá dos días de ceremonias para homenajear a Margarita Foyel.
Los restos de Margarita Foyel, hija del cacique mapuche Foyel y capturada en la Conquista del Desierto, serán devueltos hoy a la comunidad de Las Huaytekas, donde se realizará una ceremonia que culminará mañana con su entierro. Margarita fue capturada junto al cacique Inacayal –su tío– y la mujer de éste, y llevada al Museo de Ciencias Naturales de La Plata, donde vivieron y murieron en calidad de “prisioneros de la ciencia”. Sus restos estuvieron en las vitrinas de la institución y, gracias a las demandas de las comunidades originarias y otros colectivos sociales, fueron retirados primero, y restituidos después, el 10 de diciembre de 2014. En esa fecha, los restos de los tres miembros del pueblo mapuche-tehuelche fueron llevados a un mausoleo de Tecka, en Chubut, y luego enterrados en una ceremonia. Hoy, los restos de Margarita serán retirados del lugar para ser devueltos a su comunidad de pertenencia, en una ceremonia que se extenderá hasta mañana.
“Para nosotros esto representa una restitución de la dignidad a nuestros ancestros. Poder darle un entierro a la manera de la comunidad mapuche es lo más importante, ya que puede volver al lugar de donde nunca debió haberse ido”, sostuvo a Página/12 Elisa Ose, maestra intercultural de la comunidad Las Huaytekas. Este ritual comienza hoy a las 10 de la mañana con el retiro de los restos de Margarita del mausoleo donde estuvieron desde diciembre del año pasado en la localidad chubutense de Tecka. En caravana, transitarán los 300 kilómetros que los separan de ese lugar hasta el paraje rionegrino El Foyel (a 30 kilómetros de El Bolsón sobre la Ruta 40), adonde llegarán alrededor de las 2 de la tarde y darán comienzo a la ceremonia. La llegada de los restos de Margarita será escoltada con caballos hasta el rewe (una suerte de altar de forma circular), donde permanecerán durante toda la noche.
Junto al fuego, la comunidad se mantendrá en vigilia para, a las 6 de la mañana, dar comienzo a un guillipun, ceremonia mapuche “para dar aviso a las fuerzas de la entrega de Margarita”, precisó Ose. Después se procederá al entierro de los restos en una zona montañosa de la comunidad. “Se trata de un evento muy importante desde lo espiritual, porque ella se fue y nadie sabía qué le había pasado. Ahora regresa a su tuwün (territorio de origen) y para nuestro pueblo esto marca un nuevo ciclo de lucha.”
Margarita falleció en 1887, a los 33 años, mientras permanecía cautiva en el Museo de La Plata, tras ser capturada tres años antes por el Ejército a modo de castigo ejemplar contra los pueblos originarios que se rebelaban ante la llamada Conquista del Desierto. El cuerpo de Margarita, como los de otros miembros de comunidades aborígenes, estuvo exhibido en el museo durante décadas y luego, a raíz de los reclamos, fue retirado de las vitrinas el 22 de agosto de 2006. Años más tarde, el 10 de diciembre de 2014, los restos de la mujer fueron restituidos a su pueblo junto a los del cacique Inacayal y los de su mujer.
El coordinador del colectivo Guías (Grupo Universitario de Investigación en Antropología Social), Fernando Pepe, explicó que tanto el cacique Inacayal como su mujer fueron enterrados a fines del año pasado, después de su restitución. Además, el antropólogo destacó que “hubo muchas trabas burocráticas que demoraron estas restituciones e incluso la falta de un inventario, lo que complicó la identificación de los restos de las personas que vivían en el museo”.
Para el referente de Guías son múltiples los factores que generaron las condiciones para estas restituciones. En primer lugar, “con la llegada de la democracia hubo espacios para reclamos que por supuesto durante la dictadura no se pudieron dar, y las comunidades empezaron a organizarse”. También, el antropólogo resaltó la reglamentación, en 2010, de la ley 25.517 que establece que los restos mortales “deberán ser puestos a disposición de los pueblos indígenas y/o comunidades de pertenencia que los reclamen”. Esta reglamentación nombró como autoridad de aplicación al Instituto Nacional de Asuntos Indígenas (INAI), que coordinó las distintas restituciones –en las que también trabajó Guías–, cuatro de ellas a nivel nacional y una de ellas que permitió devolver a Paraguay los restos de una niña de la comunidad aché que se encontraban en un museo en Alemania.
En tanto, Silvia Ametrano, directora del Museo de Ciencias Naturales de La Plata, relató que por los escritos antropológicos de esa época, existen descripciones muy interesantes sobre Margarita, que sostienen que se trataba de una mujer “de una personalidad muy alegre, con buenos modales y también muy bella, como se puede ver en el registro fotográfico de la época”. La directora consideró que “es evidente que están ocurriendo procesos de búsqueda de reconocimiento y reparación a los pueblos originarios en los que la ciencia es interpelada y cuestionada tanto en las prácticas que tuvo en el pasado como a las que tiene en la actualidad”.
Informe: Paz Azcárate
© 2000-2015 www.pagina12.com.ar|República Argentina|Todos los Derechos Reservados

lunes, 16 de noviembre de 2015

Atheneadigital Vol.15 N°2 (2015)

Número completo

Ver o descargar el número completoPDF

Tabla de contenidos


Helena Beatriz Kochenborger Scarparo, Daniel Dall'Igna Ecker
Jose Antonio Román Brugnoli, María Alejandra Energici Sprovera, Sebastián Ignacio Ibarra González
Lutiane de Lara, Lluís Camprubí, Neuza Maria de Fátima Guareschi, Carme Borrell
Rafael Rodríguez Prieto
Chiara Cerri
Wanderson Nunes Silva, Simone Maria Hüning


Antón Fernández de Rota Irimia
Oriana Bernasconi Ramirez


Fernando Martínez Cabezudo, Rafael Rodríguez Prieto
Rafael Bianchi Silva, Jéssica Paula Silva Mendes, Rosieli dos Santos Lopes Alves


Imagen de portada
Reseña de Kessler (2014) Controversias Sobre La Desigualdad. Argentina 2003-2013
Maximilianoe E. Korstanje


Koldo Díaz Bizkarguenaga

Revista de Antropología Social Vol. 24

Vol 24 (2015)

Antropología Jurídica. Derecho y Antropología en pie de igualdad

Tabla de contenidos


Derecho y Antropología Social en pie de igualdad. Una introducciónPDF
Ignasi Terradas Saborit9-33
Dificultad y necesidad de la antropología del derechoPDF
Louis Assier-Andrieu35-52
La antropología y el derecho ante los fenómenos posesorios: entre la comunidad y la propiedadPDF
Lidia Montesinos Llinares53-81
La propiedad como hecho social. Una contribución etnográfica a la crítica del economicismoPDF
Raúl Márquez83-104
Mujeres maltratadas en los juzgados: la etnografía como método para entender el derecho “en acción”PDF
Ricardo Rodríguez Luna, Encarna Bodelón González105-126
Derechos y pueblos indígenas: avances objetivos, debilidades subjetivasPDF
Marco Aparicio Wilhelmi127-147
Cualidades corporativas en el derecho y la sociedad: un caso de los Estados UnidosPDF
Carol J. Greenhouse149-175
El Derecho desde la Antropología: Etnografía y Derecho consuetudinario en MadagascarPDF
Mariona Rosés Tubau177-188
La Antropología desde el Derecho: Derecho consuetudinario Gallego y EtnografíaPDF
Ramón P. Rodríguez Montero189-199
En torno a la antropología jurídica romanaPDF
Rafael Ramis Barceló201-219
¿Religiones sin Dios? Hans Kelsen antropólogo de la modernidadPDF
Paolo Di Lucia, Lorenzo Passerini Glazel221-243


Amor y control: notas etnográficas sobre migración, crianza y generaciónPDF
María Fernanda Moscoso245-270
Naturalización de los contenidos y objetivos de aprendizaje: acerca del énfasis que los futuros maestros de primaria ponen en los aspectos técnico-pedagógicosPDF
Héctor Cárcamo Vásquez271-285
Terrores guajiros. Lecturas transversales entre las políticas de la identidad, la violencia masiva y la economía transnacionalPDF
Carlos Arturo Salamanca287-315
Integración social y nueva ruralidad: ser ¿“hippie”? en el campoPDF
Luciana Trimano317-348
Del presente a los años 60: representaciones y regulaciones sobre la vida familiar y la educación infantil en ArgentinaPDF
Laura Beatriz Cerletti349-374
Los cuidados de larga duración y el cuarto pilar del sistema de bienestarPDF
Dolors Comas D'Argemir375-404
Calendario festivo y actos de culto en Carmona: una reflexión acerca de las fiestas en la modernidadPDF
Clara Macías Sánchez, Salvador Hernández González, Salvador Rodríguez Becerra405-431
La ironía de ser indígena y la imaginación del tiempo socialPDF
Ángel Díaz de Rada433-449


Objetos y comunicación no verbalPDF
Marie-Christine a Delaigue451-454
Antropología de la religión en la Argentina: casos y problemáticasPDF
Rodrigo Montani455-459
Un prisma en la diversidad: alternativas en transformaciónPDF
Alicia Paramita Rebuelta Cho460-465
Notas biográficasPDF